OCR
XeAede september 526 - page two = ithe large forces: nationalities, city intelligentsia, rural mMasseSe Churches. The nationalitiese ‘ougoslavia's 15.8 million population comes from a dozen of different national groups: 6.5 millions are Serbs, 3.8 Croats, 1.4 Slovenes, 2.6 Macedoniana, *osniaks, Montenegrenians, ond finally 1.25 mostly border populations belonging to a nationality whose majority lives in another country (Albanians, Magyars, Itlááns, uranians, Bulgarians and Germans). this great divergeiice cannot be overlookede Yougoslavia as it had existed between the two world wars died from that we&kness. Because the Serb element claimed the monopoly in the Yougoslav Kingdom, the resentment of the other nationality groups was aroused and necessatily led to the desagregation of the State. ‘ito and his men, who lived through those fights, are keenly aware of this latent dangere “he tendency is therefore in favor of a certain decentralization. Yougoslavia is subdivided, according to its major nationality groups, into 6 States - serbia, Croatia, Slovénia, Bosnia and Hercegovina, Macedon4a,ama Montenegro — baving each their own regional administration. their political identification with the regime however vary: while Slovenes and Montenegrans are strongly represented in the Beigrad central administration and in the .olitbureau, the strength of Croats for example mostly lies within the limits of their own territory. Led by their strong Prmmier Vladimir Bakaric, they often express strongly their views and form within Yougoslavia, a powerful mostly ruralf element, with whom Tito has to counts Their influence is one of diversifacation and decentralization; their constant pressur: forces the regime to withdraw, whenever a measure, especially in rural questions, has been too openly marxist or collectivistic. as to the very small minority groups, they are politically insofar of importance, as they receive backing from a foreign country. The latter is certainely not the case of the Magyars in North-eastern Serbia and of the Albansge in the Serb territory of Kosmet and in Eastern Macedonéa. Mostly farmers, they have been deeply and unfavorably impressed by rural collectivization and repressive measures carried out in satellite countries. The Tite regime has cleverly used this aspect of Hungarian and Albanésm inner policies in its propaganda and has simultaneously granted certain schooling and language advantages to these border minorities. Yougoslavia has thus obtained that these groups - at least as long as the actual general situation in the Kast will prevail - will not be a disrupting element within its frontiers. Greater is the attraction that neighboring countries are exercising on the Italians in Dalmatia, on the Rumanians in Northern Serbia and on the Bulgars in Western Macedonia. These indeed are much smaller units than the Hungariamsor the Albanians and therefore are not granted the same rights. Their limited number does not mean however, that they are not a dangerous factor for Yougoslav unity, in the middle of a Satellite and hostile world. Tito authorities therefore watch them closely, ready to repress whatever 2 movement might be showings As to the Gemman-speaking populations = 5. after the expulsions and repressions of the post war years - although now granted certain rights, they are decreased to a point where they